Given the reign of impunity unleashed on the people of Rivers State by Commissioner of Police, Mbu Joseph, his long overdue redeployment should ordinarily be a welcome development in the hope that the anarchy and campaign of terror may finally be over. The timing of Mbu’s redeployment is suspect; and it is not fallacious to conclude that the President finally capitulated. The Inspector General of Police, Mohammed Abubakar, had on at least two occasions refused to redeploy Mbu on the demand of Rivers Governor Rotimi Amaechi and his adopted All Progressives Congress. That ultimately led the APC asking its lawmakers to block executive bills, including the 2014 Budget, until the Presidency resolves the Rivers crisis. The question is: why did it take so long? Given the long-running battle between Amaechi and the President or his proxies, it is reasonable to conclude that Abuja was behind the spate of actions by Mbu, smacking of intimidation and vindictiveness. And this is exactly what makes the whole scenario tragic. After over a decade of democratic experiment, there should be no more room for such misuse of state security apparatus to pursue narrow interests. It is totally against all known norms of political decency.
The standing view is that in his long-drawn rancor with Amaechi, Mbu was merely acting out a script for the Presidency. The onslaught against Amaechi was orchestrated and masterminded by unseen powers in Abuja, and the incontrovertible complicity of the presidency was illustrated by the unprofessional meddling of federal security agents, particularly the Nigeria Police, led by Mbu. Not to be forgotten, of course, is the involvement of First Lady, Patience Jonathan and known Jonathan loyalists like Education Minister, Nyesom Wike. Mbu’s insubordination was such that he openly challenged Amaechi, confirming that he was carrying out an agenda against the chief executive of the state. As an expression of his frustration, Amaechi threatened to lead street protests to challenge the situation; daring Mbu to shoot him if he wished. Mbu’s insolence was disgraceful, unacceptable and totally condemnable. What else is a Police Commissioner to do besides saluting the state chief executive and carry out his orders?
Although there was no love lost between Abuja and Port Harcourt hitherto, especially after the Nigeria Governors Forum (NGF) election in which Amaechi emerged victorious, the governor was constantly targeted for humiliation in the political struggle for supremacy over 2015. The bewildering situation was a manifestation of an embarrassingly low level of political maturity, as much as a sign of indecorum, especially by the Presidency. Else, how could anyone explain the spectacle of a state Commissioner of Police threatening and harassing a state governor, the statutory chief security officer of the state? By withdrawing the security aides of the governor, Mbu demonstrated undue politicization and high unprofessionalism. His action approximated the ugly treatment experienced by then Governor Chris Ngige of Anambra State during which his security aides were withdrawn, paving the way for his unconstitutional removal from office in a civilian coup masterminded by then president Obasanjo.
Mbu not only withdrew Amaechi’s police escort, he got policemen to barricade the main entrance to the Government House, thereby threatening the governor’s security. This, to say the least, was bizarre. On its face, this was the act of Mbu but in reality, no police commissioner can have the guts to take such a significant and dangerous decision unless he is acting out a script, leaving plausible the deduction that the action was a result of Amaechi’s membership of the breaking-away New Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), opposed to the President. Section 215 of the 1999 constitution recognizes the powers of the state governor to give directives to the commissioner of police, but provides a caveat that before the state Commissioner of Police carries out any such directive, he may refer the matter to the president or such minister of the government of the federation as may be authorized by the President, for his directions. This caveat has encouraged remarkable disrespect to governors by police commissioners.
To all intents and purposes, Mbu became an active participant in the political imbroglio or worse still, a willing tool in the hands of dark political forces to perpetrate official lawlessness, well beyond the call of duty. When he was not countermanding orders of the governor who is the state’s chief security officer, Mbu was engaged in verbal altercation with one or other high state official or, on spurious excuses, causing to be disrupted events organized by Amaechi and his supporters. But Mbu’s job, as far as could be constitutionally discerned, was supposed to be one of an impartial professional. From all indications the police under Mbu were severely compromised and could not be trusted to impartially maintain law and order in Rivers State. Sadly, while all these untoward acts occurred, not even the President deemed it necessary to heed the call to transfer Mbu out of Rivers.
With each step towards brigandage, it became increasingly clear that the bitter political differences had aggravated into a clash of personality and ego; the warring factions with their respective foot-soldiers in the state were determined on a fight-to-finish course. The descent into lawlessness occasioned by do-or-die politics of bitterness and exacerbated by police high-handedness climaxed when police violently disrupted a rally by Amaechi’s supporters; invading the venue and attacking participants with tear gas; firing shots and wounding many, including Sen. Magnus Abe, who has been flown abroad for treatment.
The involvement of the police brings to the fore, once again, the unresolved question of state police. Whereas, proponents and antagonists of the idea have constantly made their cases, this may be the time to revisit the debate with a view to weighing the pros and cons and deciding what serves Nigeria best. One thing is sure: the argument that state police is prone to abuse by governors has been defeated by the predisposition of the system, as it is, to abuse by the federal authorities. Indeed, there is a need now to neutralize the risks posed by the Nigeria Police in its current form and character to the democratic structure. Not only is it over-centralized, but also too unprofessional and undisciplined in disposition. Mbu’s attitude and conduct were against all rules of professionalism. The way the Police acted in Rivers is a serious damage to the collective reputation of the Force.
What is clear is that, the crisis did neither the antagonists nor Rivers State any good. Indeed, every incident in the tragic drama took its collateral damage in human, material, reputation, and other costs. The crisis also gave Nigerian democracy a very bad name. The biggest loser was the President; who failed to embrace political decency with a deep sense of responsibility, by refusing to honor his oath of office as father of the nation, and do what is right, devoid of personal interest, to enthrone peace in Rivers State. The labored explanations proffered by the presidency over the crisis; including Jonathan’s own evasive indifference remain largely unconvincing. Jonathan did himself no favors downplaying the crisis as a non-issue. He virtually lost credibility in the eyes of Nigerians. The President must understand that there is little to be achieved if state power is deployed in a manner outside the contemplation of the law, for the sole purpose of settling personal or political scores! Misusing the laws of the land breeds impunity capable of truncating the peace and tranquility of the country.
